Vice Chair, Washington University School of Medicine
For one thing depression news order zoloft 50 mg mastercard, they are usually very fertile and thus constitute a good portion of the best agricultural lands depression music order zoloft amex. For another vital depression definition generic 100mg zoloft visa, as places where rivers and the sea cross bipolar depression prozac discount 25mg zoloft visa, they are often ideal locations for trade (Morita and Jensen 2017). For these reasons, many large cities and industrial centers around the world are built on deltas. Yet, due to their flatness, deltas are also prone to flooding and erosion due to sea level rise. This perplexity was due to my inability to understand the complex infrastructure of hydrology. Not only hydrology but also the environmental sciences in general today draw on complex infrastructures comprising multiple methods of observation, complex data analyses, and widespread use of simulation models. Such complex infrastructures make it hard for outsiders to grasp their knowledge practices (Edwards 2010). It soon became clear that I was not alone in experiencing a failure of understanding. At the beginning of the workshop, the Japanese leader, Professor Umino, said that the floods in 2011 had been totally unexpected and required reconsideration of basic assumptions about the Chao Phraya River, a remark that brought back vivid memories of the unpredictable flood to many participants. With a tinge of self-irony, others recalled the repeated failure of the government to predict the advancement of the flood. Yosuke jokingly told me that he might be disqualified as a hydrologist, since he was entirely unprepared to find his own apartment in Bangkok flooded as he came back from upstream fieldwork. The 2011 floods had clearly left a strong impression of the uncertain nature of the Chao Phraya River among everybody in the workshop. However, Yosuke, the hydrologist, was skeptical of public discussions of the 2011 floods as a production of climate change. Statistical analyses had estimated the probability of heavy rainfall capable of causing this scale of flooding as a once-in-50-years occurrence (Komori et al. The popular imagination, however, tended to be ignorant of, or indifferent to , this long-term statistical view. For example, villagers I talked to during fieldwork in Ayutthaya, a province in the middle of the delta that routinely experiences floods, saw the mutation of the delta as a one-directional change, readily visible in the form of dams, dikes, and roads, all of which influenced the behavior of the river in ways they could observe every day. Even more, they also expressed vague concerns about land subsidence, reportedly happening in many areas in the delta. However, in many cases the precise extent and location of subsidence remained unclear to those I spoke with. Land subsidence caused by decline of the water table has been a major matter of concern not only in Chao Phraya Delta but also in many urbanized deltas. In Thailand, government departments are monitoring the water table levels and land subsidence. However, the exact extent and area of subsidence are hard to know even for scientists. After the 2011 floods, some Japanese experts I spoke to found that many survey markers that served as benchmarks to measure land subsidence had sunk with the ground around them. S290 Current Anthropology Volume 60, Supplement 20, August 2019 Sinking Deltas In a sense, contemporary scientific discourse of the Anthropocene connects the views of the scientists and villagers. And it does this in a manner that highlights the close connections between historically changing landscapes and global environmental processes. In particular, Syvitski paid attention to the flux of soil: Infrastructure-dams, cities, transportation networks and coastal-management measures-has led to lasting and profound impacts. This starves deltas of sediment and, in combination with the mining of water, oil and gas, has led to a situation where large deltas are sinking at four times the rate of sea-level rise. By any unbiased and quantitative measure, humans have affected the surface of the Earth at a magnitude that ice ages have had on our planet, but over a much shorter period of time. Conventional hydrology uses the river basin as a unit of land water processes that allows for integrated analysis of rainfall, river discharge, evapotranspiration, human activities, sedimentation, and erosion (Morita 2017). Thus, the focus of hydrology is usually local, centering on a particular river basin.
He will speak to us this morning on "Total War and Social Change in Great Britain and Other European Countries anxiety coping skills purchase 50mg zoloft amex. Reader depression sociology definition order zoloft paypal, in his history of Imperial Chemical Industries depression definition illness zoloft 50 mg discount, writes anxiety pills cheap zoloft online master card, with perhaps more cleverness than illumination: "The Great War, in the world of the chemical industry as in the world at large, shattered the old order, set a great many questions about what would replace it, and provided answers to none of them. Hardach has preferred to stress the continuities across the war period, and has joined with the distinguished French historian Marc Ferro in pointing to the Russian Revolution as the single most significant consequence of the wac9 However, there have also been some more complex attempts to situate the war within the general development of twentieth century society. Keith Middlemas in Britain has seen it as marking a critical stage in the reallocation of power as between government and unions and employers, taking society a long way towards, as he sees it, the corporatist society. We do not really have war as one independent variable to be added to another, society, to produce "consequences. It may, indeed, help to bring about a war; it will certainly determine the means by which the war is waged. It is with such considerations in mind, that I offer my own form of analysis of the relationship between war and social change. I do not offer a set of common generalizations about war and social change, but rather a means towards exploring particular relationships in different wars and in different societies. In the last few weeks I have examined a University of Malta thesis in which the method was successfully applied to the experience of Malta during the First World War; and the method was also effectively used in the well-known book by Neil Wynn, the AfroAmerican and the Second World War. In any study we must be careful to establish the nature of the society we are examining, and the forms and extent of change already taking place in that society. Heavy civilian bombardment, or considerable geographical isolation from actual theatres of war These matters taken care of, the intricate relationship between war and social change can then best, my argument is, be teased out by taking in turn the four "dimensions" within which war interacts with society. These are: the destructive and disruptive dimension; the "test" dimension; the participation dimension; and the psychological dimension. When I speak of destruction-disruption I am referring to the most obvious aspect, the catastrophic face of war, and in working out its implications I have drawn both upon historical observation of what has actually happened in wars and upon the disaster studies of social scientists. The destruction of war can certainly, as many liberal commentators have stressed, put a stop to peacetime social progress. In looking at any particular society in any particular war it is necessary to see first whether the total destructive effect outweighs any positive results accruing from the destruction. Again and again-in face of natural disaster as well as in face of war-we see the desire within human societies to rebuild, and to rebuild better than before. That apart, the disruption of 131 war forces people into new life-styles and patterns of living and behaviour and offers new opportunities; it is necessary, of course, to scrutinize these very carefully to see whether they are long-lasting or merely temporary. To talk of the "test" dimension of war is perhaps to stray too far into the realm of common wisdom, or even cliche. Certainly studies of war of all types are full of references, overt or covert, to the way in which war tests social organizations, institutions, ideas, as well as personal qualities. In my view there is validity in this idea of "test"-provided we handle it with very great care-and my argument is that through the test of war, ideas, institutions and so on are destroyed, or reinforced or altered, but that anyway there is social change, whether backwards, forwards or downwards. The trouble with the word "test" is that it seems to imply a kind of value judgment (perhaps conjuring up a vision of the hard-working little swot who passes his examinations), and perhaps even suggests that it is an important function of social organization to be prepared for war-that wellprepared societies are reinforced and perhaps in some cases moderately and beneficially altered, while ill-prepared societies collapse. The word test should be taken to include also the connotations of stress and strain (perhaps I should coin a new word "strest"). The argument is not that it is good that societies from time to time should be submitted to the "challenge" (for there is an element of challenge in this too) of war but that, historically, it has in fact been in the nature of human society that wars do occur. These wars submit social institutions to a combination ot test, stress, strain and challenge, in turn producing changes which may well seem to be highly undesirable-such as the creation of autocracy or a secret police. But, my argument runs, such is the irony of human events, and such the power of greater complexes of social and human circumstances over the mere aspirations of individual humans, that often the changes are in a direction which many would hold to be beneficial-as, for instance, in the democratization of institutions, or the abandonment of purely laissez-faire doctrines. The idea that there is some correlation between the extent to which different groups in society participate in a war and the social gains which these groups make is also, as all the best ideas are, fairly obvious. I prefer to stick simply to "participation" since it is participation in civilian employment in time of war which often seems to be the more potent force for social change than actual participation in the armed forces. And this brings me to the point that in using this concept one has to analyze very carefully the nature and extent of the participation involved. Here, as with all of the 132 first three of my dimensions, we begin to overlap with the fourth dimension, the psychological; at any rate, among other relevant issues, it is of importance to know something of the extent to which the individual himselffeels that he is a participant. First, it can involve the conscious decision of the ruling elements in society that since underprivileged elements have participated in the national effort they should be directly rewarded. In my view, historians who persist in seeing social change as something done by "us" (the upper and middle class) to "them" (the lower classes) have gone sadly wrong in concentrating on, and then usually dismissing, the first aspect.
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